I learned back then to treat them in a very normal way. I have never allowed myself to be bitter. I always used the free room that the G. There was no shadow over my childhood. And later I acted in such a way that I would not have to live in constant conflict with the state. Being the daughter of a Protestant minister from the West carried both privileges and liabilities. The Kasners had two cars: An English teacher who imparted her passion for learning to Angela, Herlind wrote to the education authorities every year asking for a job, and every year she was told that nothing was available, even though English teachers were in desperately short supply.
But Merkel was a brilliant, ferociously motivated student. In her tidy apartment in Templin, Benn, who is seventy-six, proudly showed me a victory certificate from Merkel studied physics at Leipzig University and earned a doctorate in quantum chemistry in Berlin. She was allowed to pursue graduate studies, in no small part because she never ran afoul of the ruling party.
Angela Kasner had other ideas for her future, and became, at most, a passive opponent of the regime. Although Angela views the leading role of the Soviet Union as that of a dictatorship which all other socialist countries obey, she is fascinated by the Russian language and the culture of the Soviet Union. Rainer Eppelmann, a courageous dissident clergyman under Communism, who got to know Merkel soon after the fall of the Wall, refuses to criticize her.
They never said what they thought, what they felt, what they were afraid of. And nobody can do this. After , when the chance came to participate in democratic politics, these same qualities became useful to Merkel, in a new way. The whisperer thinks, How can I say this without damaging myself? The whisperer is somebody who might be compared to a chess player. And I have the impression that she thinks things over more carefully and is always a few moves ahead of her competitor.
In , at twenty-three, Angela married a physicist, Ulrich Merkel, but the union foundered quickly, and she left him in She spent the final moribund decade of the G. Nonempirical Model Calculations Including Anharmonicities. She once told a story from her childhood of standing on a diving board for the full hour of a swimming lesson until, at the bell, she finally jumped. She watches politics like a scientist.
Every morning, Merkel took the S-Bahn to the Academy of Sciences from her apartment in Prenzlauer Berg, a bohemian neighborhood near the city center. For several stretches, her train ran parallel to the Wall, the rooftops of West Berlin almost in reach. Sometimes she commuted with a colleague, Michael Schindhelm.
Schindhelm found Merkel to be the most serious researcher in the theoretical-chemistry section, frustrated by her lack of access to Western publications and scientists. In , Schindhelm and Merkel began sharing an office and, over Turkish coffee that she made, became close.
They both had a fairly critical view of the East German state. They both felt that the world on the other side of the Wall was more desirable than their own. Years later, Schindhelm, who became a theatre and opera director, was revealed to have been coerced by the Stasi into serving as an informer, though he apparently never betrayed anyone. He expressed a belief that Germans, in facing their past, could redefine their identity and future.
But in East Germany, where ideology had twisted the history of the Third Reich beyond recognition, the speech was virtually unknown. Merkel had procured a rare copy through her connections in the Church, and she was deeply struck by it. Being an East German meant retaining faith in the idea of Germany even though many West Germans, who needed it less, had given up on reunification. As East Germany decayed, its citizens had nothing else to hold on to, whereas Westerners had been taught to suppress feelings of nationhood. After riding the miraculously comfortable trains through West Germany, she returned to East Berlin convinced that the socialist system was doomed.
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Instead of joining the delirious throngs pouring through the Wall, which had just been opened, she took her regular Thursday-evening sauna with a friend. Her actions on that momentous night have been ridiculed as a sign of banality and a lack of feeling. But, in the following months, no East German seized the new freedoms with more fervor than Merkel. Few irreducible principles have been evident in her political career, but one of them is the right to the pursuit of happiness.
A month after the Wall fell, Merkel visited the offices of a new political group called Democratic Awakening, which were near her apartment. She was soon put to work setting up the office computers, which had been donated by the West German government. She kept coming back, though at first hardly anyone noticed her. It was the kind of fluid moment when things happen quickly and chance and circumstance can make all the difference.
In March, , the leader of Democratic Awakening, Wolfgang Schnur, was exposed as a Stasi informer, and at an emergency board meeting Rainer Eppelmann, the dissident clergyman, was chosen to replace him. She understood that she had to do a job here and do it well, but not to be the chief.
They married in Some participants were from the East, others from the West; at each meal, the host would narrate his or her upbringing, illuminating what life was like on one side of the divide. She rarely speaks publicly about herself and has never explained her decision. But when the moment came, and Merkel found herself single and childless in her mid-thirties—and laboring in an East German institution with no future—a woman of her ambition must have grasped that politics would be the most dynamic realm of the new Germany.
Reunification really meant annexation of the East by the West, which required giving East Germans top government positions. In October, , she won a seat in the new Bundestag, in Bonn, the first capital of reunified Germany. She had no political agenda at all. She had to be taught how to use a credit card. Cabinet meetings were dominated by Kohl, and though Merkel was always well prepared, she seldom spoke. But inside her ministry Merkel was respected for her efficient absorption of information, and feared for her directness and temper.
According to her biographer Evelyn Roll, she acquired the nickname Angie the Snake, and a reputation for accepting little criticism. Merkel remained herself, Koelbl told me: Subsequent pictures display growing confidence. During the sessions, Merkel was always in a hurry, never making small talk. She became such an assiduous student that some colleagues from the former East found it unsettling. She joined the Christian Democratic Union after Democratic Awakening merged with it, ahead of the elections; the C.
It is only a function of her power, nothing else. He told her that young people had needed to break with the authoritarian culture that had never been repudiated in West Germany after the defeat of the Nazis. What did kids in the West have to protest about? For all the catching up Merkel had to do in her political education, being East German gave her advantages: Everything was a question of survival, and it was impossible to make errors if you wanted to succeed. Early in her career, Merkel hired a young C. Baumann, who remains her most influential adviser, was the perfect No.
I still need time, but one day the time will come for this, and I am already looking forward.
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The producer, a C. In November, , the C. Merkel, who had risen to secretary-general after the C. She telephoned Karl Feldmeyer. Feldmeyer suggested that, instead of doing an interview, she publish an opinion piece. Five minutes later, a fax came through, and Feldmeyer read it with astonishment. Merkel, a relatively new figure in the C. Within a few months, Merkel had been elected Party chairman. Kohl receded into history.
That was the moment when many Germans first became aware of Angela Merkel. He told another friend that championing young Merkel had been the biggest mistake of his life. In , Merkel found herself on the verge of losing a Party vote that would determine the C. She hastily arranged a breakfast with her rival, the Bavarian leader Edmund Stoiber, in his home town. Disciplined enough to control her own ambitions, Merkel told Stoiber that she was withdrawing in his favor. John Kornblum, a former U. One of the secrets of the success of Angela Merkel is that she knows how to deal with vain men.
Angela Merkel is a patient hunter of courting mountain cocks. With the patience of an angel, she waits for her moment. German politics was entering a new era. She has them for her cereal. The two men despised Merkel, and the sentiment was reciprocated. During the campaign, Fischer said in private talks that Merkel was incapable of doing the job.
Through most of the campaign, the C. Merkel had made two near-fatal mistakes. Second, many of her advisers were free-market proponents who advocated changes to the tax code and to labor policies which went far beyond what German voters would accept. Merkel, looking shell-shocked and haggard, was almost mute. Many viewers thought he was drunk. And I promise we will not turn the democratic rules upside down. Those who know Merkel say that she is as lively and funny in private as she is publicly soporific—a split in self-presentation that she learned as a young East German.
Through her spokesman, Merkel, who gives few interviews—almost always to German publications, and all anodyne—declined to speak to me. In off-the-record conversations with German journalists, she replays entire conversations with other world leaders, performing wicked imitations. Do you do things like that? Nor is she above embarrassing her minions. Her aides fell over themselves laughing, until Merkel cut them short: Madame Chancellor was calling them sycophants. Throughout her Chancellorship, Merkel has stayed as close as possible to German public opinion.
Kornblum, the former Ambassador, once asked a Merkel adviser about her long-term view. But Germany remains so traumatized by the grand ideologies of its past that a politics of no ideas has a comforting allure. To Merkel, the crisis confirmed that grand visions can be dangerous. Kohl, who thought in historical terms, had tied Germany to a European currency without a political union that could make it work.
Germany had by far the strongest economy in Europe, with a manufacturing base and robust exports that benefitted from the weakening of the euro. Throughout the crisis, Merkel buried herself in the economic details and refused to get out in front of what German voters—who tended to regard the Greeks as spendthrift and lazy—would accept, even if delaying prolonged the ordeal and, at key moments from late through the summer of , threatened the euro itself. The novelist and journalist Peter Schneider compared her to a driver in foggy weather: No vision at all.
In exchange, the countries of southern Europe submitted to strict budget rules and E. Merkel realized that she could not allow the euro-zone crisis to capsize the project of European unity. The euro was saved, but at the price of ruinous austerity policies and high unemployment. The German economy has slowed this year, while European growth is anemic. Nevertheless, Germany remains committed to a balanced budget in , its first since , and is standing in the way of a euro-zone monetary policy of stimulating growth by buying up debt.
In recent weeks, with global markets falling, a divide has opened between Merkel and other European leaders. After , Merkel had to mute her free-market thinking at home in order to preserve her political viability. Instead, she exported the ideas to the rest of the Continent, applying them with no apparent regard for macroeconomic conditions, as if the virtues of thrift and discipline constituted the mission of a resurgent Germany in Europe.
Merkel is obsessed with demography and economic competitiveness. She loves reading charts. In September, one of her senior aides showed me a stack of them that the Chancellor had just been examining; they showed the relative performance of different European economies across a variety of indicators. In unit-labor costs, he pointed out, Germany lies well below the euro-zone average. But the population of Germany—the largest of any nation in Europe—is stagnant and aging. It makes Germans acutely uneasy that their country is too strong while Europe is too weak, but Merkel never discusses the problem.
Joschka Fischer—who has praised Merkel on other issues—criticizes this silence. The two world leaders with whom Merkel has her most important and complex relationships are Obama, who has won her reluctant respect, and Putin, who has earned her deep distrust. When the Wall fell, Putin was a K. He used his fluent German and a pistol to keep a crowd of East Germans from storming the K. After decades of war, destruction, and occupation, German-Russian relations returned to the friendlier dynamic that had prevailed before the twentieth century.
Two hundred thousand Russian citizens live in Germany, and Russia has extensive connections inside the German business community and in the Social Democratic Party. But, as a former East German, Merkel has few illusions about Putin. Never trust this guy.
Detesting would be too much emotion. As the dog approached and sniffed her, Merkel froze, visibly frightened. Russia has nothing, no successful politics or economy. All they have is this. In early , when President George W. She remained careful to balance European unity, the alliance with America, German business interests, and continued engagement with Russia. Kaiser Wilhelm I is supposed to have remarked that only Bismarck, who tied Germany to a set of countervailing alliances, could juggle four or five balls.
When, this past March, Russia annexed Crimea and incited a separatist war in eastern Ukraine, it fell to Merkel to succeed where earlier German leaders had catastrophically failed. The Russian aggression in Ukraine stunned the history-haunted, rule-upholding Germans. The moral that many Germans drew was to tread carefully—small fires could quickly turn into conflagrations. In early polls, a plurality of Germans wanted Merkel to take a middle position between the West and Russia. Petersburg, a month after Russia annexed Crimea.
Merkel, true to form, did nothing to try to close the divide. For most Germans, the crisis inspired a combination of indifference and anxiety. Ukraine was talked about, if at all, as a far-off place, barely a part of Europe not as the victim of huge German crimes in the Second World War. Germans resented having their beautiful sleep disturbed.
For this, they wish the U. If Russia wants Ukraine, which not so many people have sympathy with, let them have it. A sense of responsibility for the past demands that Germany do nothing in the present. Ulrich, of Die Zeit, expressed the point brutally: Germans and Russians are bound together by such terrible memories that any suggestion of conflict leads straight to the unthinkable. During the negotiations, he and his Russian counterpart, Nikolai Gubenko, shared their stories. Naumann, who was born in , lost his father a year later, at the Battle of Stalingrad.
Gubenko was also born in , and his father was also killed in action. Merkel takes a characteristically unsentimental view of Russia. Publicly, she said little, waiting for Russian misbehavior to bring the German public around. She needed to keep her coalition in the Bundestag on board, including the more pro-Russian Social Democrats. For sanctions to bite, Europe had to remain united. Merkel also needed to keep open her channel to Putin. Even after the E. Above all, she tries to understand how he thinks. Then I have to deal with those views, and this can also trigger something new.
When eight members of a European observer group, including four Germans, were taken hostage by pro-Russian separatists in April—practically a casus belli, had they been Americans—the German government simply asked Putin to work for their release. Merkel was playing the game that had been successful for her in German politics: In May, after Ukrainian separatists organized a widely denounced referendum, the official Russian statement was more positive than the stance that Merkel believed she and Putin had agreed on in advance. She cancelled their call for the following week—she had been misled, and wanted him to sense her anger.
On June 6th, in Normandy, Merkel and Putin met for the first time since the crisis began, along with Obama, Hollande, Cameron, and Petro Poroshenko, the newly elected President of Ukraine, to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of D Day. In the optics of power, she was winning. Later, before lunch, Merkel orchestrated a brief conversation between Putin and Poroshenko.
That is very, very strange. The final ball Merkel has to keep in the air is the American one. Her opinion of Barack Obama has risen as his popularity has declined. In July, , as a Presidential candidate, Obama wanted to speak at the Brandenburg Gate, in Berlin—the historic heart of the city, a location reserved for heads of state and government, not U. Merkel rebuffed the request, so instead Obama spoke about European-American unity at the Victory Column, in the Tiergarten, before two hundred thousand delirious fans—a crowd Merkel could never have mustered, let alone mesmerized.
According to Stern, her favorite joke ends with Obama walking on water. As she got to know Obama better, though, she came to appreciate more the ways in which they were alike—analytical, cautious, dry-humored, remote. Obama is the antithesis of the swaggering leaders whom Merkel specializes in eating for breakfast. The sight of separatist fighters looting the belongings of dead passengers who had been shot out of the sky hit Germans more personally than months of ugly fighting among Ukrainians had. A civilian airliner, Dutch victims: The idea of maintaining equidistance between Russia and the West on Ukraine vanished.
Though the crisis was beginning to hurt the German economy, Merkel now had three-quarters of the public behind her.
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In late July, the E. Since then, Russian troops and weapons have crossed the border in large numbers, and the war has grown worse. In a speech in Australia last week, Merkel warned that Russian aggression was in danger of spreading, and she called for patience in a long struggle: Germans told me that anti-Americanism in Germany is more potent now than at any time since the cruise-missile controversy of the early eighties. Merkel, ever impassive, expressed more annoyance than outrage, but with the German public the sense of betrayal was deep.
He conveyed his regret to Merkel privately. German officials approached the Americans for a no-spy agreement, and were refused. German officials claimed that the U. The Americans denied it. He had been caught soliciting business from the Russians via Gmail, and, when the Germans asked their American counterparts for information on the man, his account was suddenly shut down. Brought in for questioning, he admitted having passed documents apparently innocuous to a C. The Germans retaliated, in unprecedented fashion, by expelling the C.
Coming soon after the N. Merkel was beside herself with exasperation. They lie to us. Rebuffing Washington is good now in Germany. Obama was concerned enough to dispatch his chief of staff, Denis McDonough, to Berlin in late July, to mollify German officials. During a four-hour meeting, they agreed to create a framework for clearer rules about spying and intelligence sharing. But the details remain to be worked out, and barely half the German public now expresses a favorable view of the U.
In a sense, German anti-Americanism is always waiting to be tapped. In the broad middle, where German politics plays out today, many Germans, especially older ones, once regarded the U. Peter Schneider, the novelist and journalist, expressed the attitude this way: Beneath the rise in anti-Americanism and the German sympathy with Russia, something deeper might be at work. Imperial Germany refused to accept at gunpoint the universal principles of equality and human rights. Several people in Berlin suggested that this difficult, forgotten book had something to say about Germany in the age of Merkel.
But maybe it was only a skin. Germany is becoming more German, less Western. Germany has discovered its national roots. He meant that Germany is becoming less democratic, because what Germans fundamentally want is stability, security, economic growth—above all, to be left in peace while someone else watches their money and keeps their country out of wars.
They have exactly the Chancellor they want. Merkel, at sixty, is the most successful politician in modern German history. Her popularity floats around seventy-five per cent—unheard of in an era of resentment toward elected leaders. Plainness remains her political signature, with inflections of Protestant virtue and Prussian uprightness. Here I am, the Chancellor! What am I doing here? When I was growing up in the G. And now here I am, and they have to listen to me!
Merkel still lives in central Berlin, in a rent-controlled apartment across a canal from the Pergamon, the great neoclassical antiquities museum. Merkel entertains guests at the Chancellery with German comfort food—potato soup and stuffed cabbage. When her husband calls the Philharmoniker for tickets Merkel and Sauer are music lovers, with a passion for Wagner and Webern and is offered comps, he insists on giving his credit-card number, and the couple take their seats almost unnoticed.
Earlier this year, President Joachim Gauck made headlines when he called on Germany to take its global responsibilities more seriously, including its role in military affairs. It was the kind of speech that Merkel who had no comment would never give, especially after a poll commissioned by the foreign ministry in May showed that sixty per cent of the public was skeptical of greater German involvement in the world. German journalists find Merkel nearly impossible to cover. The private Merkel they admire and enjoy but are forbidden to quote disappears in public. Any aide or friend who betrays the smallest confidence is cast out.
There was no reason not to.
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Meanwhile, Merkel has neutralized the opposition, in large part by stealing its issues. She has embraced labor unions, lowered the retirement age for certain workers, and increased state payments to mothers and the old. She told Dirk Kurbjuweit, of Der Spiegel, that, as Germany aged, she depended more on elderly voters.
In , the Fukushima nuclear disaster, in Japan, shocked Merkel, and she reversed her position on nuclear power: Supporters of the Social Democrats and the Greens have fewer and fewer reasons to vote at all, and turnout has declined. This fall, in elections held in three states of the former East Germany, a new right-wing party, Alternative for Germany AfD , showed strength, capturing as much as ten per cent of the vote. Joschka Fischer described Germany under Merkel as returning to the Biedermeier period, the years between the end of the Napoleonic Wars, in , and the liberal revolutions of , when Central Europe was at peace and the middle class focussed on its growing wealth and decorative style.
But what Americans today might envy, with our intimations of national decline, makes thoughtful Germans uneasy. Their democracy is not old enough to be given a rest.
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You have to keep the people used to the fact that democracy is a pain in the ass, and that they have to fight, and that everyone is a politician—not only Merkel. George Packer became a staff writer in Es gehe um ihren Sohn David. War im Kindergarten etwas passiert? Die Kinder bekam sie nicht wieder. Anfangs durfte sie sie viermal im Jahr sehen, unter strikter Aufsicht. Sie aber stillte das Baby, wenn es schrie. Mittlerweile sind sie wieder bei der Mutter, die Ehe der beiden zerbrach.
Der tschechische Aussenminister hat sich nun eingeschaltet und Norwegen gebeten, den Fall neu zu beurteilen. Ausserdem gelangte Tschechien ans EU-Parlament. Entsprechend nahmen diese Hinweise enorm zu, viele stellen sich aber als substanzlos heraus. Die Regeln sind strikt.
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Er vertritt Familien, denen die Kinder weggenommen wurden. The following text is illustrated by the video on cultural differences between Norwegians and Americans, on the example of the New Yorker Mafia boss Giovanni Henrikson , who moved to Norway in the witness protection program of the FBI from New York to Lilyhammer. Please watch this video:. Tyranny of the well-meaning.
The Norwegian Guardianship Authority does not vacillate when it comes to parents doing a poor job at raising their offspring. It places such children in foster families and denies mother and father any contact. It was regarding her son David. Did something happen in the Kindergarten? The officer told her that Kindergarten teacher claimed her son was sexually molested by his father. The boy said his father felt him up through his pajama using his hand. Days later the woman was informed by the local child protection agency, that her boys — the 6yo David and 2yo Denis — had to be removed from their parents.
Still, investigations revealed nothing and a court decided the children were not allowed to be taken from their parents, because the social workers were using suggestion during the interviews with the 6yo and thus those interviews were inadmissible. Nonetheless, in February of the agency decided to withdraw custody from the parents of Czech origin. The child protection agencies Norwegian: The boys were sent to separate foster parents. The mother was promised that her children would be returned to her if she divorces the father, which she did.
At first, she was allowed to see them four times a year, under strict supervision. Later on, twice a year for two hours. Anurup Bhattacharya, a geoscientist, worked in the Norwegian city Stavanger in the oil industry, his wife Sagarika looking toward the children, a 3yo boy and a 1yo girl. They also had the child protection agency take their children and give them to foster parents. The parents said, that the reasons they were told were: The young mother had already been advised to nurse at given times. But she breastfed her baby when it cried. Nowadays they are back with their mother, their marriage fell into ruin.
Close to tears he said he wanted to see his grandchild one more time before he dies. Grandparents and other relatives may not see the children in the care of foster families. The Czech foreign minister has now joined in and asked Norway to judge the case again. The Czech republic also reached the parliament of the EU. The Russian ombudsman for children, Pawel Astachow, recently accused Norway of the new terror against Russian families. The child protection agency removed 55 children from Russian parents in the last three years alone.
And he goes on to claim that if children are removed from their homes, it is always inevitable. Children rights are held high in Norway. The state strives to offer all children equal opportunities and ensure the best development possible. The child protection agencies were professionalized in similar to what happened in Switzerland. It is no longer lay persons from the communities who care for difficult families, but psychologists and social workers, who by the way received more power, too.
Of course for the benefit of the children — goal is to prevent that children are neglected and abused. The agency is legally bound to react quickly if it hears about such cases. The consequence is that the number of intervention in families has severely increased, just as the number of child removals and withdrawals of custody. While in but children were placed with foster families or foster home, in it was already — an increase of over 25 percent. Every person is required to notify the agency if they suspect negligence or abuse in a family. Accordingly, such reports drastically increased, although many turn out to be unsubstantiated.
They claim that oftentimes it is necessary to intentionally frustrate parents to see how they react under pressure. If they show a deep tolerance for frustration, one must ask how they would function if there were no social control. The parents are intentionally provoked until they lose their patience and flip out, so that later there is evidence for them not being suitable as educators.
She is one of the strongest critics of barnevernet. One must imagine this situation: Foreigners have their children taken more than average. Many Polish were hit, one of the largest group of immigrants in Norway, which caused the professor Nina Witoszek, with Polish roots, from the University of Oslo to publish a bitter accusation in the newspaper Aftenposten. Barnevernet, so she writes, is a Stalinistic institution and gave immigrants the following sarcastic advice: The state owns them.
You may not slap your children. Make sure your children smile in public. The supporters of the child protection agency are however convinced they are acting benevolently. Many children, they claim, have no chance to develop. According to them, Barnevernet is the only way out for such children. Those who criticize the agency are uneducated, aggressive parents according to them.
The much praised model state Norway has clear ideas regarding what is correct and incorrect parenting. A Tamil family criticized that intense affection is also considered sexual abuse. The rules are strict.
The child sleeps in its own bed. Sweets are only given to children on the weekends, not every day. And even those raising their children according to traditional role patterns are suspicious, because Norway wants to overcome gender roles. The following quote from a report from from the ministry for children and families now: Ministry for Children and Equality is also insightful. But to the foster families it does matter. He represents families who had their children taken from them. He reports of the courtroom in which representatives of the agency and their attorneys always sit extremely confident and entirely convinced, that they did the right thing, and in front of them a trembling and stuttering Kurdish mother and father, both traumatized, being accused of having beaten and abused their children.
The big problem is the power these girls have as employees of the child protection agency. Power to make decisions which can permanently change the lives of many families. Trauer, Angst, Wut, Liebe, sondern durch sein Denken. Wenn er denkt, falls er denkt. Sie denkt, ich bin Pianist in einem Bordell.
Nach der gewaltsamen Beendigung des Mordens durch die Alliierten waren die Deutschen und sind es bis heute geblieben noch deutscher als zuvor. Quelle aber ist der Historie, was der Jurisprudenz das Indiz: Illustration des Systemzwangs zum Rechtsfrieden, d. Egal, wer Recht hat, solange nur Recht ist; was immer die Quellen sagen,.
Die juristische Methode dieser seltsamen Wissenschaft, die sich die Behandlung der. Der Kriegsveteran murmelt vor sich hin: Zwei Jahre und 10 Monate: Der Veteran des zweiten Weltkriegs wollte die Vereinigten Blinder Kriegsveteran motiviert US-Basketballstars. Sogar der republikanische Vizekandidat Mike Pence So wollen sie schneller an die begehrte Seit Richard Overton 18 ist, raucht er Zigarre. Er verlor ein Bein im Irak: Dieser Kriegsveteran hat eine klare Aber nicht seinen Verstand. Denn als ihn eine Verschollener Liebesbrief taucht nach 70 Jahren wieder auf: In kann nicht glauben, dass Du German words that begin with k.
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